Category Archives: politics

many mazeltovs to a giant

When the Macarthur Awards were announced this spring, I can’t believe I missed it;  that one went to Dr. Jonathan Shay. Luckily,  Lily was more attentive, noting it on her own invaluable blog, Healing Combat Trauma. The debt owed Shay by so many of us is hard to quantify.

HCT has the links to several recent appearances; but spend some time while you’re there,  The bibliography alone is worth the click, let alone all the analysis.

And speaking of combat trauma, I just finished 1968 by Joe Haldeman, better known as author of The Forever War. Writing that good makes you want to either give up, in the face of a master, or dare yourself not to settle.

the arguments and the songs

I miss California far less than I’d expected to when I moved back here, after 10 years in San Francisco; but that still doesn’t mean I don’t miss  Julia every single day, or wish Ericka were closer. And I’m further reminded of the latter when Ericka writes something like this.

Her column “Red Diaper Dharma” gives memoir back its good name, combining truth, vivid language and smart analysis in a way that — as Jonathan Franzen said of The Great Gatsby, doesn’t have to show off but “goes down like whipped cream.” This particular essay struck me for its evocation of an era and sensibility that’s so often left unnamed (and certainly never was in my right-wing Republican household):

My family were union leaders and leaders in the community. For them, this wasn’t an idle spouting of opinions. My great uncle took these arguments, honed at family parties, into union negotiations that went all night. My great aunt took hers to meetings, rallies, demonstrations. You cannot make social change and revolution if you doubt your position — at least in public.

The argument goes on. But after a while, we segue into the singing, and even here, it’s political — we sing strike songs and Spanish Civil War songs and old Negro spirituals used to communicate in slave days. “We are not free until we are all free.” The arguments and the songs all tell us this.

I told Ericka that the piece’s dialogue reminded me of the great John Sayles story later turned into a play, “At the Anarchists’ Convention.” But I asked her about her grandfather, and she told me that he was this great man, an organizer for the needle trades (part his oral history is below), who’s often overlooked when people write about his wife, the great writer and Ericka’s grandmother. I’ll think of him now the next time I write about the garment folks I’m covering in the District.

The ILWU consistently took positions that were left of where other unions stood. I think the Communist clubs made a difference here. The presence of Communists helped put Local 6 miles ahead of the rest of the labor movement in things like opening up to Black members even before World War II. But we also had to think about our limits. For example, had a Communist club come to a meeting and said, “We want an endorsement of the Soviet Union,” we would have had our ass ripped off.

I joined the Local 6 Publicity Committee, helped with a big organizing drive at the Lathrop army depot near Stockton in the late 1930s, spoke out at union meetings all the time and got the reputation of being a red-hot. During the major 1938 warehouse lockout in San Francisco I was down at the union hall and out on the picket lines every chance I got. Several CP people felt I ought to bid for leadership. The guys in the ice houses were pressuring me to run too. So in 1939 I ran for business agent and got elected. I took office in 1940.

The first arbitration I had was against the Paris Beauty Supply Company of San Francisco. We’d dispatched a young Black woman and a young Black guy to the place. The employer was a southerner. He didn’t want to keep them. His excuse was, “I’ve got nothing against Black folks. Why, if I could afford to build them separate toilets, I’d be glad to have them working here.”

The local put on a lot of pressure against that sort of thing in 1939-1940 and the Communists made an extra effort issue of it. You can point to many things about the Communist movement that aren’t so honorable, but its early insistence on racial equality and its idea that Blacks and Whites should unite was one of the most honorable things it did.

And if you ask me (though no one did), he was quite the looker, too.

no excuse, if you’re not 12 years old

I’ve been pretty horrified at the recent media valorizing of Ayn Rand, the author whose long-term damage to our country, especially via the time bomb named Alan Greenspan, may never be calculated. I was therefore pleased to see Digby unlock the puzzle, perhaps more simply and clearly than I was able to do myself at the old shop.

Though I think the old piece is still cogent, about the young Nixon aide becoming enthralled with AR:

From that “inner  circle” to the Nixon campaign to the grand poo-bah of the Federal Reserve: quite the path to power.  Did 50 years change that fanatical edge, until Bill Clinton and other Dems took him seriously? Or was he just biding his time?

Full disclosure: Just about 30 years ago, I fell under the spell of Rand  myself. I read Atlas Shrugged 20 times and pestered my friends to read it. I read — ok, skimmed — books by Murray Rothbard and Greenspan himself. I  was an activist in the Libertarian Party. My only excuse: 30 years ago, I was 12 years old.

Only smart depressed 12 year olds, we’d hope, need the validation  those books provide.But instead, as that Times piece linked above demonstrates, MBA’s took it and ran with it, and joined Rupert Murdoch’s universe in preaching her gospel to the world.

Until a company named after Rand’s most famous hero can go after the  public trough, and almost run away with the keys to the kingdom.

you look up and who’s there? dave cline.

The high ones die, die. They die. You look up and who’s there?
—Easy, easy, Mr Bones. I is on your side.
I smell your grief.
—I sent my grief away. I cannot care
forever. With them all align & again I died
and cried, and I have to live.

Last year, when Hugh Thompson died – the hero of My Lai, who swooped down with his helicopter and stopped that particular bleeding – I wailed to my partner, “But I didn’t interview him yet!” Not that I yet had any realistic expectation of doing so.

But David Cline I did. I’d met him a dozen or so times,  the former president of Veterans for Peace, whose famous journey — from the killing fields of Vietnam to the GI antiwar movement to the fight for Agent Orange survivors — was made briefly famous by his friend David Zeiger’s great film. Cline loved the idea of my book, and he and I had countless canceled interview dates, often shoved aside by events in Fayetteville or Washington. I always thought there would be time, and looked forward to seeing him at the Rutgers conference on veterans in two weeks. He was only sixty, after all. Also brilliant and passionate and down to earth.

Silly me, silly us. There is no time, and Cline knew that better than anyone. I can’t hope to match the deeper tributes here from fellow Vietnam veterans and here from the Iraq vets he was so busy mentoring. So I’ll fall back on Berryman, again, who finds a sideways way in to the worst.

—Now there you exaggerate, Sah. We hafta die.
That is our ‘pointed task. Love & die.
—Yes; that makes sense.
But what makes sense between, then? What if I
roiling & babbling & braining, brood on why and
just sat on the fence?

—I doubts you did or do. De choice is lost.
—It’s fool’s gold. But I go in for that.
The boy & the bear
looked at each other. Man all is tossed
& lost with groin-wounds by the grand bulls, cat.
William Faulkner’s where?

(Frost being still around.)

20 years later, and remembered for what?

I was immediately delighted to see Bayard Rustin’s name in the first sentence (besides listings) in the New Yorker. As the 20th anniversary of his death passed without a whisper in the press, I first thought they were finally making up for lost time. They spoke of his arrest in 1953, and then paid a paragraph of tribute:

The episode was a source of shame for Rustin, not on account of his homosexuality (about which, for that era, he was astonishingly relaxed) or because of the stigma of jail (he had spent two years in federal prison as a conscientious objector) but because he knew that his carelessness had let down his colleagues in the nonviolent movements for peace and racial equality. Yet his service to those causes did not end. Though he had to resign from the F.O.R., its secular twin, the War Resisters League, soon hired him as its executive secretary. In 1956, he became a mentor to the young Martin Luther King, Jr., beginning an association that, while rocky at times, culminated, on August 28, 1963, in the epochal March on Washington. The cover of the next issue of Life featured not King but the instigator of the march, the labor leader A. Philip Randolph, and its principal organizer, Bayard Rustin.

But then I blinked when I realized they were doing it as a way to talk about Larry Craig, the Senate’s famous closet case and national embarrassment. But no, not about Craig, but about the Reeps who are scared by him:

Rustin’s homosexuality, the Pasadena incident in particular, embarrassed and angered some of his political comrades. But none of them responded to it with cruelty or contempt. Senator Larry Craig, of Idaho, has not been so lucky. No sooner had Craig’s brother Republican politicians learned that he had been caught with his pants down in a men’s-room stall at the Minneapolis-St. Paul International Airport (where, a year from now, they will arrive by the planeload for their National Convention) than the stampede began.

My admiration for Hendrik Herztberg knows few bounds. But I really wish he’d returned to Rustin at the end, to make clear that he was dealing in two contrasts: a fractious but supportive community and a real leader with a moral message versus a sad, conflicted charlatan.

I now find myself wondering what Roy Cohn, whose stance on the subject exemplifies Craig’s so well, thought of Rustin’s “relaxed” strength.

Update: I can’t be old school and rely on the printed word.  My new friend (and Rustin’s widower) Walter Naegle, tipped me off to Hertzberg’s blog, where he reveals that he actually
grew up knowing Rustin, a dear friend of his Jewish activist parents.  Hertzberg knew long ago, apparently, what I only learned in depth this spring: that the civil rights hero was a prototypical Chelsean.

As a child, I saw him as a literally towering figure, impossibly tall and sinuous. His appearance was as operatic as his voice, with an electric explosion of pepper-and-salt hair, hawklike features, dandyish clothes, and a beautifully carved cane that concealed (I was thrilled to be told) a sharp sword.

Apologies to Hertzberg for my doubts. And Walter also finally put to rest my anxiety with his own response:

 Yes, there is no comparing the two men, but their treatment by their respective “friends and colleagues” says something about “movements” versus “politics.”

Now I’m wondering if Hertzberg grew up in Penn South, where he also might have run into Ernest Green of the Little Rock Nine) and the great A. Philip Randolph.

all those remote corners

I knew it was coming; now I’m examining the result almost as an experiment, as dispassionately as I can.

After three-plus weeks of messing around with the story about the Hotel Breslin, the SRO whose tireless tenants are trying to fend off its conversion to luxury quarters, I was hardly surprised when Breslin Tenants Association President Stephen Colvin reported a phone call from Greg Beyer of the New York Times. “I told him I only wanted to talk to you,” Colvin said with a startling loyalty. Sensibly enough, once I was done with piece #4, the association relented and let him into a meeting.

Looking into Mr. Beyer’s work, I found out that he was one of those Columbia J-school golden children, graduated in 2007 winning every award possible and publishing in the Times while still in RW1 (Reporting and Writing 1).. I also learned that Beyer, whose pieces often adorn the paper’s The City section, had a wonderful affinity for historical material and a tight, elegant prose style. I thought, Oh, OK. He’s good. It might not be the skanky real estate story I’d feared (like this 2005 piece by Patrick Healy, “The Art of Persuading Tenants to Move”).

Through the magic of social networking sites, I contacted him, and he was gracious: “My story will definitely mention your series, and I hope prompt readers to check it out, since I just won’t have the space to reach into the story’s more remote corners.”

He kept his word in today’s story and mentioned Chelsea Now, if not that we’d seen enough there for four stories. The title’s reference to the Chelsea Hotel is appropriate, and he found a wonderful character for his narrative lede. He mentions the rest simply as tenants’ complaints, and their planned legal appeal as probably doomed – which fits the elegiac tone of the article.

The rest of my thoughts I’ll keep to myself, lest I be accused of nothing but jealousy. It’s a very skilled piece, and God knows it’s hard for me to compress that much info so elegantly. I will be curious to see how the tenants and their lawyers feel.

And I’m nothing but amused that GFI Capital wouldn’t talk to the Times, either. I’d thought for sure they’d jump at the chance to share their “vision” for the “reconstruction of two boutique hotels in the Chelsea area of Manhattan” with the Gray Lady. Maybe they’re waiting till Patrick Healy calls.

tangled webs scooping up veterans’ lives

Take the Walter Reed scandal, cross-breed it with the U.S. Attorney scandal,and you end up with this. A man who secured VA disability benefits for PTSD, after a long struggle, now sits in jail for receiving those benefits. (Warning: the link, like many/most VA stories, can drive you a little nuts.)

 The determination of PTSD-related benefits relies upon medical evidence (such as being diagnosed by five different medical professional that a vet has PTSD) and the existence of an in-service stressor (such as the reality that a man was crushed to death by a C-54 aircraft while an Airman was on duty), per 38 CFR (Code of Federal Regulations) 3.304(f). All a veteran has to achieve in first-person testimony is corroboration, not verification. The Code defines Post Traumatic Stress Disorder as Service connection for post-traumatic stress disorder; (PTSD) requires medical evidence diagnosing the condition in accordance with 38 CFR 4.125(a); a link, established by medical evidence, between current symptoms and an in-service stressor; and credible evidence that the claimed in-service stressor occurred (38 CFR 3.304(f))].

Officials from the Milwaukee Regional Office and Special Agent Raymond Vasil’s Inspector General’s office were included in the series of e-mails including one e-mail from Vasil dated January 27, 2005, stating: “The U.S. Attorney is interested in prosecuting. He is not 100% yet and wanted me to interview any additional persons I could find that were present when the original accident happened in 1969. … “

I wonder if my old friend J.B. White,  former Marine and veterans’ advocate now working for Senator Joseph Biden, can get a little traction on this.

rape dimly recalled but not so gray

I almost never think of my fiction these days: the real-life struggles of folks like Chelsea tenants, like the urban school principals I met this week, like the Committee of Sergeants are absorbing enough. But reading in Salon about this blog controversy, and a Cosmo piece calling certain kinds of encounters “gray rape,” brought me back to a memory I actually put into this story. My thinking on the use of the term can probably be summed up in a line from Susannah Moore’s The Whiteness of Bones that has always haunted me. I can’t locate the book this second, but it was something along the lines of:

It occurred to Mamie that the power equation between men and women could be contained in one fact: that he could, if he liked, lean over and snap her slim wrist in two.

That rule holds even if you’re drunk, like the women under Cosmo discussion, or just numbed for other reasons.

His body shaped like a guitar, thick honey-colored hair and tattoos on each ankle: I dove for both. …Carl raped me one lazy Sunday morning, as I shut myself down rather than wake the landlady’s kids. He turned out to have some other name entirely, which I only learned after I’d made a key for him. Jerzy, who had broken up with me the week before because he felt too bipolar, showed up with power tools and changed the lock so Carl couldn’t get in.

Even though I wasn’t under the influence one bit, it took me until 2002, a full 11 years after the events described, for me to use that word even in my head. I can’t imagine why anyone, especially writing for a magazine that supposedly speaks to sexually empowered women, would want to make it harder for young women to sort that out.

too many stories, too little time

Having just finished my fourth article about tenants in the Hotel Breslin, I told my editor Wednesday night: “Here’s hoping they don’t make news next week!”

Not that it’s not an absorbing tale, one that I was both thrilled and stupefied no one else had discovered; it combines elements of the better-known and quite different sagas of the Hotel Chelsea , with its community of artists, and 47 East 3rd Street, the tenement whose new owners want to turn into a private house. I was both thrilled and a touch wary to see it on this site, and positively paranoid when I heard the Times had finally sent a reporter sniffing around. And I certainly want to be the one covering the next stage, whatever that is.

But I think my brain and heart are kind of tapped from it all. I need to take a rest, and make room for other stories. First and foremost, this weekend, the story that I think will begin my book, which takes place in Princeton, New Jersey in 1781.

the words of young men sounding old

Now here I was, all prepared to write what I think will be the first actual scene in my book — painting Princeton in January of 1781, with General George Washington contemplating taking the trip to confront 11 protesting brigades — when I saw this op-ed piece, entitled “The War As We See it.”

If you didn’t notice from the bylines that the authors were active-duty sergeants, you’d know it from the measured, carefully damning opening:

VIEWED from Iraq at the tail end of a 15-month deployment, the political debate in Washington is indeed surreal. Counterinsurgency is, by definition, a competition between insurgents and counterinsurgents for the control and support of a population. To believe that Americans, with an occupying force that long ago outlived its reluctant welcome, can win over a recalcitrant local population and win this counterinsurgency is far-fetched. As responsible infantrymen and noncommissioned officers with the 82nd Airborne Division soon heading back home, we are skeptical of recent press coverage portraying the conflict as increasingly manageable and feel it has neglected the mounting civil, political and social unrest we see every day.

Read the rest: it’s worth it. But when you do, know that actual realities are underneath every understated, precise, somewhat abstract sentence, if not the rage those realities provoked:

At the same time, the most important front in the counterinsurgency, improving basic social and economic conditions, is the one on which we have failed most miserably. Two million Iraqis are in refugee camps in bordering countries. Close to two million more are internally displaced and now fill many urban slums. Cities lack regular electricity, telephone services and sanitation. “Lucky” Iraqis live in gated communities barricaded with concrete blast walls that provide them with a sense of communal claustrophobia rather than any sense of security we would consider normal.

I wonder if they’ve yet dared make contact with these veterans, or these, or thought about signing this.